The politics of sex and war in Kurdistan

A fighter from the Islamic State group (IS, formerly known as ISIS) holds the severed head of a woman in his hand. He feels comfortable enough to bury his fingers through her hair, as the feminine locks, and slender body it was attached to, no longer pose a threat to the jihadi on the TV screen.

It is a chance for the IS fighter to take revenge against the female fighters he faced in battle, and so he smiles for the camera and points his index finger towards the sky to demonstrate that he is a sacred warrior. A lone braid of wheat coloured hair comes into view and evokes the memory of Joan of Arc's wretched fate, whose body was burned by the Catholic church following accusations of heresy and apostasy.

Was there any greater insult to the 15th century English soldiers than discovering that it was a woman who led the French campaign against their troops?

What slur could dent the male pride of an IS fighter more than seeing non-veiled women - apostates according to his beliefs - slow his advance in battle, or even defeat him? Does the IS fighter continue the fight he originally had in mind, or does he try to avenge his manliness?

Gendered dimensions to warfare makes it even harder - perhaps impossible - to end sexual violence in war. This is because war is the lowest expression of violence; it will not compartmentalise itself, or miss a stage that allows it to complete its cycle.

Sex and war

Gender has been used as a propaganda tool by all sides in the conflict in Syria to gain popular support. The use of gender in war fits the wider stereotypical view of women in society, targeted for support based on a deep understanding of gender roles and expectations in that community.

The Syrian regime, for example, shows the world an image of a well-dressed and elegant woman, confidently defending the regime's legitimacy to international public opinion, without, of course, having to actually reveal the arguments of this woman. This portrait of women serves to reinforce the image of the regime as the protector of secularism in the face of religious fanaticism.

It also devalues the message behind an image taken by a citizen journalist, of a woman deprived of her child due to the war.

IS and other jihadi organisations have also targeted the populations they control, and portrayed the romanticised image of chaste, fully veiled women that reinforces the conservatism of their creed.

But the way in which female Kurdish fighters have been portrayed by the media, with a degree of awe surrounding them, given that warfare is commonly viewed as men's arena, has only reinforced gender stereotypes.

Armed activism among Kurdish women is nothing new. For the past few decades, it has been staple policy of the outlawed Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK) to include women in their struggle.

Frontline role in IS fight

Yet the frequent pictures of beautiful Kurdish women in newspapers and on TV rekindles for many the memory of the female activists of the 20th century, such as the Palestinian, Lebanese, Cuban and Bolivian women fighters, who appeared on screens and in newspapers when liberation movements sprung up across the world.

The women used by IS are seen by the group as nothing more than objects, used for sexual gratification or the achievement of specific gains

This explains why there is such a deluge of media coverage surrounding Kurdish female fighters, as opposed to the veiled women combatants of IS' al-Khansaa Brigade, or the women working with the Syrian regime. The jihadi group commonly use women as sexual instruments, or for other tasks such as enforcing religious instruction upon other women, or in very limited fighting operations.

Therefore, the women used by IS are seen by the group as nothing more than objects, used for sexual gratification or the achievement of specific gains.

The same goes for women connected with the Syrian regime. Although the Syrian military has for a long time trained recruits at an all-female military academy, and they are allowed to take part in combat, women are only ever used as token gestures by the regime. Women are usually reserved to such tasks as searching other women at security check points, or working as informers. There are no cases reported of women fighting for the regime on the front lines of the conflict.

The participation of Kurdish women in what has been characterised as a male-dominated war, does not add a feminine touch to the war. Instead, it creates two new dimensions in the battle between IS and the Kurds. IS, if the rumours are to be believed, are terrified that the fierce resistance shown in Kobane is due to the presence of fearsome female fighters. This then presents an added cause for IS fighters to avenge their defeat at the hands of women. For them, womenfolk represent the spoils of war, not the combatants. For a male Kurdish fighter, defeat could prove to be a double loss - firstly, if he was less courageous than his female counterpart in battle, and secondly, if women were the prize of his enemy.

In the end, Kurdish female fighters are not part of a legend whose characters we should glorify or condemn, but a symptom of a sad reality that pushes people to bear arms, and a disgrace to humanity that does not allow for life except through combat. I cannot view the increasing numbers of female fighters as a gender victory, as I do not wish to see women go to war, but wish for the return of men from war.

Rand Sabbagh is a Syrian journalist and researcher on media in conflicts.          

This article in an edited translation from our Arabic edition.

 

Opinions expressed in this article remain those of the original author and do not necessarily reflect the opinions of Al Araby Al Jadeed, its editorial board or staff.