Netanyahu's Congress speech shows America who's the real boss

Benjamin Netanyahu's address to Congress yesterday was one of the most sickening spectacles of modern US history. 

The embattled Israeli prime minister relished every moment as he was paraded to the pulpit by both sides of the House. Every lie about Israel's assault on Gaza was fawned over and every justification of genocide was cheered on. It was a truly horrifying moment of political hysteria. 

The content of the speech followed a tiring pattern, Bibi invoked a clash of civilisations — the enlightened West and the barbaric East — with the usual suspects, Iran, Hamas, and Islam as villains. He felt at ease as the only foreign leader to address Congress four times and wouldn't give up on the opportunity to show them who's the boss and where US taxpayer money goes.

Rashida Tlaib, the Palestinian-American Congresswoman, cut a lone figure in the chamber. She raised up a paddle when Netanyahu began speaking, rightly denouncing the Israeli leader as a "war criminal" and "guilty of genocide."

No one seemed to care, not even her fellow Democrats in attendance, who gleefully matched the Republicans in their sycophancy. But history will denounce every single member of that house and Rashida Tlaib will be vindicated. 

Before the speech, Benjamin Netanyahu's visit was an immediately divisive issue for Democrats, who largely disapprove of Israel’s genocide in Gaza. They understand that giving the Israeli prime minister such an august honour will legitimise a war they despise. 

But once House and Senate Democratic leaders, Hakeem Jeffries and Chuck Schumer, agreed — it was a fait accompli. Nevertheless, over 100 Democrats boycotted the event. Democrat Vice President and Biden's successor Kamala Harris also refused to preside over the Senate during the speech.

Senator Bernie Sanders, a long-time opponent of Netanyahu and the Gaza war was defiant in his opposition and, like other progressives such as Rashida Tlaib and Ilhan Omar, denounced Netanyahu as a war criminal on X and declared that he would boycott the speech. 

Thousands protested on the streets outside Congress including the groups spearheading the anti-war movement, Students for Justice for Palestine, Jewish Voice for Peace and If Not Now. In response, they were tear-gassed by the D.C. police.

For Democrats, the timing of the speech couldn’t be worse. President Biden dropped out of the presidential race only days ago. Vice President Harris became an immediate Democratic standard bearer, as Biden endorsed her candidacy.  That has left the Party in flux, as it faces the prospect of a Trump victory and possibly losing both Houses of Congress. 

Kamala Harris is in a precarious position

Kamala Harris faces the daunting task of navigating between two very different visions of American relations with Israel.

On the one hand, if she continues Biden’s vociferous support for the Gaza war, she will alienate a large portion of the left wing of the Party. It is a faction she must retain and even energise if she is to win, which is by no means a foregone conclusion. 

Her absence from the speech is an attempt to thread that needle: showing opposition to Netanyahu in a way Biden never would or could. It marks a more independent approach than her boss.

On the other hand, Harris is by no means a standard bearer of the liberal wing of the Party. She has always been a strong supporter of Israel. Primarily, because that has been the consensus within the Party for the last 75 years, not to mention the billions of wealthy pro-Israel donors have contributed to various Democratic campaigns. 

Harris will need to raise hundreds of millions very quickly to jump-start her campaign.  She can only do that if she has these corporate mega-donors on board. Nor will they open their pocketbooks without expecting a quid pro quo: unwavering support for Israel, including support for its war on Gaza. 

In recent months, Congress approved $18 billion for US armaments for the IDF. Many of the bombs dropped on Gaza, which have caused a significant number of the nearly 40,000 Palestinian deaths, have a US postal stamp. 

It puts Harris in a bind. If she tacks too hard to the left she will alienate the billionaire class. If she tacks too much to the right, she will alienate the progressive wing. 

Harris ran for president in the 2020 primaries and did not make an especially good impression as a deft candidate. She stumbled at key moments that left her candidacy in disarray, leading her to drop out of the race. Biden, the victor in the primaries, later chose her as his vice-presidential running mate. Her prior stumbles leave scant hope that she will satisfy the left wing of the Democratic Party on this issue.

Netanyahu takes advantage of US political turmoil

Netanyahu could not be happier with the turmoil in the ranks of the Democratic Party, which he has long abandoned as hopelessly anti-Israel.  His natural ally is Donald Trump, though the latter has had a love-hate relationship with the Israeli leader over the years.  Despite this, Trump has agreed to meet with him this week at this Mar a Lago mansion.

The Israeli prime minister has always been a masterful tactician, especially adept at co-opting and dividing his political opponents, and even rivals within his own ranks. That is the reason he is the longest-serving leader in the nation’s history.

Netanyahu relished the limelight of his speech offered. He was able to backhandedly chastise Democrats for their faint-hearted support for the war and praised the Republicans for their full-throated support.

This sort of interference in domestic politics has historically been a red line for previous Israeli leaders. But Netanyahu crossed the line years ago by publicly supporting Republican presidential candidates for over a decade.

Benjamin Netanyahu believes this will pay off in strengthening US support for the war and bolster his own political fortunes.  The latter is very much in doubt as a massive majority of Israelis want him gone.

He very much needs to shore up US support, as it carries far more weight in Israeli politics than it does in US politics. However, the level of hatred against Netanyahu within Israel is so intense that no amount of American support can neutralise it.

The Israeli leader has a massive ego. He believes he can have a major impact on the American electorate on behalf of Republicans.  He believes the speech will put a feather in his cap with Israeli voters who will see him on Israeli TV strutting down the aisle of the US Congress, and mounting the lectern to lecture legislators about the war, praising them for the billions in weapons they have approved, and demanding that they do more.

Netanyahu always wants more.  When he gets what he wants, he ups the ante and demands more. US presidents have, for decades,  played into his hands and satisfied his insatiable appetite for weapons and other forms of material support.

Though some Democrats remain hopeful that Harris will break from Biden on the war in Gaza, it’s doubtful that as president she would be much different.

But the reality is that most Americans paid little or no attention to the speech.  They don’t care much about what foreign leaders think of American politics.

They vote their pocketbooks on issues that hit close to home like jobs, the economy, health care, etc. In the end, the legacy of Netanyahu's speech will be a pebble rippling the waters of the 2024 election. As the dust begins to settle, Netanyahu's may have some impact on Capitol Hill. But other issues are much more important to US voters.

Richard Silverstein writes the Tikun Olam blog and is a freelance journalist specialising in exposing secrets of the Israeli national security state. He campaigns against opacity and the negative impact of Israeli military censorship.

Follow him on Twitter: @richards1052

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Opinions expressed in this article remain those of the author and do not necessarily represent those of The New Arab, its editorial board or staff.