To protect democracy and human rights in Sudan, defund its police state

Thousands took to the streets of Khartoum on April 6 to mark the third anniversary of the beginning of the sit-ins in front of the military headquarters that toppled dictator Omar al-Bashir. There were also many rallies across different cities.

Protestors were soon met with heavy violence from security forces and a young man, Altayeb Abdelwahab, was killed in the East Nile area.

The path leading up to the anniversary demonstrations has been paved with blood and repression, however.

Mohamed Ali Hamdan, a known member of the resistance committees in West Darfur state, died last month after being tortured by the military intelligence personnel in Al Geneina.

At the time of writing, 94 martyrs have been killed, hundreds of activists injured, and many have been disappeared since the military coup.

''Given the levels of violence used against the people, the weaponry being used and the sheer mount of repression being waged, it is clear that the state funds allocated towards “security” are considerable.''

The extrajudicial killing of Ali Hamdan was a shocking event, but it is one amongst many other incidents of violence against resistance committee members in Sudan.

As security forces increasingly resort to aggressive repression - despite months of continuous peaceful protest - how they are being funded and armed must be put into question. 

Pro-democracy activists have faced live ammunition, rubber bullets, tear gas, stun grenades, and red water sprays every time they attempted to march towards the presidential palace. Whilst tear gas, for example, is only supposed to cause harm, it has led to serious injuries and even death.

A gun usually used for hunting, known as a ‘cartridge weapon’, has recently been used excessively to kill and cause sustained injury among peaceful protesters. According to the Central Committee of Sudanese Doctors, this has already caused 4 deaths and 327 cases of injury.

Besides the cartridge weapons, anti-aircraft weapons and heavy machineguns, are also used against protesters. These heavy weapons, which are usually reserved for wars and air defence, were used to target unarmed protesters. At least two people have been killed by them this year.

Snipers have also been targeting protesters on the front lines.

Residents in camps for those internally displaced have witnessed several armed attacks. With many armed movements active in the area, little media coverage and certainly no law and order, the situation is unbearable for activists.

The past two years of the civilian-military partnership has not led to any meaningful transformation within the security sector.

There have been some superficial changes to the National Intelligence and Security Services (NISS), that was responsible for the torture and forced disappearance of thousands of Sudanese people. For example, it was renamed the General Intelligence Services (GIS), and some limitations to its authority were introduced.

However, even these changes were not genuine and have not transformed the nature of the institution and its relationship to power. Indeed, many of the personnel who were responsible of torture and atrocities have not been held accountable, and the companies and the investments of the NISS have not been confiscated.

And few weeks after the coup that took place in October 2021, army head General Abdel Fattah al-Burhan, issued a decree granting the security forces - including the intelligence service - powers to arrest and searching people, control properties and services, seize funds, prohibit and control the movement of people, alongside being given immunity.

This was considered a green light for the security forces to violate all human rights, to continue with illegal arrests, abductions, attacks on health services, as well as the rape and sexual abuse of women, all with no accountability.

Given the levels of violence used against the people, the weaponry being used and the sheer mount of repression being waged, it is clear that the state funds allocated towards “security” are considerable.

''Resistance committees and pro-democracy activists are fully aware of the historical and current conditions that created the level of violence they are witnessing today. Part of the demands for change is the need for a major structural shift and accountability for the role played by international powers.''

In fact, the annual budget for security forces has not changed in last three years, which says a lot. During the Al-Bashir era which lasted 30 years, much of the annual budget was already allocated to the security forces and the control of the masses.

Even following the revolution, state militarisation clearly remains the priority.

This is all despite the current economic crisis and astronomical rates of inflation which should mean that funds are re-directed towards helping the people.

In reality, Sudan's state violence against protesters is enabled by both its access to funding, as well and lack of accountability - including from international donors.

The normalisation of relations with Israel which was announced as a “security cooperation” by al-Burhan, is a prime example.

The crimes of the Sudanese state are known globally.

Recently, the US sanctioned the central reserve Police for using excessive force against pro-democracy protesters who were peacefully demonstrating in opposition to the military overthrowing the civilian-led transitional government.

The central reserve police unit was founded in the 1970s to respond to a state of emergency and other crises. Under Omer Al-Bashir, it then became a well-trained force to kill, beat and chase peaceful protesters - practices it has maintained to this day.

In so many ways the action taken by the US government, however, is a case of too little too late. It was also contradictory considering in September, the US signed an agreement with the Sudanese government to support the Sudanese police despite the crimes and violations committed by them during the transitional period.

Resistance committees and pro-democracy activists are fully aware of the historical and current conditions that created the level of violence they are witnessing today. Part of the demands for change is the need for a major structural shift and accountability for the role played by international powers.

Funding the police must cease immediately in the wake of continued human rights violations. It will send a clear message to the Sudanese state and start a process of accountability that is urgently needed.

As outlined in the ‘Charter for the Establishment of the People’s Authority’, the people seek to build a state that gives them safety, dignity and right to life, none of this exists under the current leadership.

Wini Omer is a Sudanese journalist and feminist activist who focuses on Sudanese civil society, social justice and women's rights and protections. 

Follow her on Twitter here.

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Opinions expressed in this article remain those of the author and do not necessarily represent those of The New Arab, its editorial board or staff, or the author's employer.