Three months ago, the average American would likely not have heard of the groups Jewish Voice for Peace (JVP) or Students for Justice in Palestine (SJP).
Today, nearly ten weeks after Hamas' surprise attack on Israel, followed by Israel's continuous bombardment of Gaza, pro-Palestinian activist groups are under growing scrutiny, and in some cases are fighting to continue operating, amid accusations of antisemitism and supporting Hamas.
This week, Rutgers became the latest high-profile US university to see SJP suspended, as it joined George Washington University, Columbia University, and Brandeis University in taking disciplinary measures against SJP. It is, however, the first public university to make such a move, raising concerns for free speech advocates.
A 'harmful mischaracterisation' of activists
At the heart of the controversy of JVP, SJP, and other similar pro-Palestinian progressive student groups is the question of how they should be characterised. The groups describe themselves as advocating for the human rights of Palestinians.
Some of their most vocal critics, however, have referred to them as antisemitic, Hamas supporters, spreading hate, and have in some cases accused them of supporting terrorism, which at its most extreme would go beyond protected speech. A look through these groups' mission statements gives no indication of these accusations.
"There are a lot of similarities to the post 9/11 period. In my nearly eight years at CAIR, this is a whole new layer"
Omar Saleh, an attorney with the Florida chapter for the Council on American-Islamic Relations representing SJP at the University of South Florida in a case against Governor Ron DeSantis and others, tells The New Arab that characterising these activists as hateful or dangerous is harmful to them and ultimately to free speech in general.
"Our clients and these SJP members, all of the ones I've met, they're Americans, Floridians who were born here," says Saleh. "All they want to do is to express their speech. It doesn't mean antisemitism or terrorism. As long as people keep making that comparison, it's extremely dangerous. It makes the students a target."
A growing climate of fear with echoes of the past
He points to the recent case of three Palestinian university students in Vermont who were suspected of being targeted for their Palestinian identity.
Hisham Awartani, Tahseen Ali Ahmad, and Kinnan Abdalhamid, all 20, were shot with a handgun by 48-year-old Jason Eaton on 25 November.
Abdalhamid’s mother said that they were targeted for their identity and that the incident should be treated as a hate crime. Awartani was left paralysed from the chest down.
According to a report issued by the Council on American-Islamic Relations (CAIR) published on 4 November, one month into the conflict, there have been 1,283 complaints of bias incidents, a 216 percent increase when compared with similar periods in previous years.
Efforts to quell activism are as old as activism itself. However, some periods in history stand out, such as the government crackdown on communism in the 1950s led by Senator Joseph McCarthy, whose name remains synonymous with unsubstantiated witch hunts of political opponents. Saleh believes this current period is among the more challenging times for free expression.
He compares the post-7 October period of the last two months to the post-9/11 period in which Arabs and Muslims faced a spike in scrutiny, harassment and attacks. He now has a post-7 October caseload, with many new legal filings related to the ongoing conflict in Gaza.
"There are a lot of similarities to the post-9/11 period. In my nearly eight years at CAIR, this is a whole new layer," says Saleh.
This is affecting Muslims, Arabs and their allies in different ways. Some have lost their jobs or seen job offers rescinded. Some have been verbally and physically harassed or have experienced violence. And many others have said they have reported living in a climate of fear and self-censorship, unclear on the rules.
Those who are not Muslim or Arab are not immune to such circumstances, as has been seen with the progressive group Jewish Voice for Peace.
A Jewish group trying to define itself to the public amid growing pressure
Despite its name and widespread membership, Jewish Voice for Peace is not immune to accusations of spreading hate, even from prominent Jewish organisations.
In November, the Jewish civil rights group the Anti-Defamation League described JVP as a hate group, equating its anti-Zionist stance with antisemitism, leading to a slew of news coverage critical of JVP.
Included in their website's statement of their visions is: "We imagine Jewish Israelis joining Palestinians to build a just society, rooted in equality rather than supremacy, dignity rather than domination, democracy rather than dispossession — a society where every life is precious."
It also states, "Like generations of Jewish leftists before us, we fight for the liberation of all people".
For many members of JVP, their Jewish faith is not a contradiction to their anti-Zionism and advocacy for Palestinian human rights. In fact, they see it as an alignment.
"We believe we're part of a long and proud lineage of anti-Zionist Jews, and that Palestinians deserve to live in dignity," Jay Saper, a member of JVP tells TNA, adding that they often take their inspiration from older Jews' social activism.
"For many members of Jewish Voice for Peace, their Jewish faith is not a contradiction to their anti-Zionism and advocacy for Palestinian human rights. In fact, they see it as an alignment"
"My aunt grew up in Jackson, Mississippi under Jim Crow [legalised segregation]. I learned from her the Jewish commitment to Justice. We're so connected to Judaism. We lift up traditions of embracing and supporting justice."
For Benjamin Kersten, a graduate student of Yiddish art, having JVP on campus has given him a space to process difficult thoughts and feelings about the conflict.
"Just in the last two months, I think that we've felt how important it is to provide space for anti-Zionist Jews to grapple with hard questions," he tells TNA. "There's real grief and fear around how many Jews died on October 7, while we're still firmly committed to Palestinian freedom and liberation."
He continues, "We really take seriously the responsibility of being a space where people can ask questions and share feelings. That's brought new people into our orbit. People find something special about this community. It felt life-changing when I found JVP, a community that filled a role in my life that nothing else could".
He credits JVP for giving him strength, as he and other like-minded Jews continue to advocate for a ceasefire. Once the conflict ends, he says they will return to advocating for comprehensive justice for Palestinians. If JVP is suspended, he says they will continue to do their work, just not as a sanctioned student organisation.
A Palestinian student group with roots going back to the early 1900s
Students for Justice in Palestine, founded at the University of California, Berkeley in the mid-1990s, is a relatively new student group. However, its inspiration goes back to the 1920s, as university students in the Arab world began organising discussions and actions in response to the growing Zionist movement that was taking hold in Palestine during the British mandate period.
The General Union of Palestinian Students was officially launched in Cairo in 1959, with chapters opened at universities throughout the Arab world and eventually dozens across the United States. Following the Oslo Accords, most of the chapters dissolved.
SJP, though established in the 1990s, didn't gain traction until 2001, when Berkeley launched its divestment campaign, in which students began pressuring the university administration to cut ties with companies involved with Israel's occupation of Palestinian land. One of the main missions of SJP became advocating for Boycott, Divestment, and Sanctions (BDS).
On their website, National SJP says in its mission statement that it promotes "an agenda grounded in freedom, solidarity, equality, safety, and historical justice, and we seek to elevate the student movement for Palestinian liberation to a higher level of political engagement. We aim to develop a connected, disciplined movement that is equipped with the tools necessary to contribute to the fight for Palestinian liberation".
Over the past year, SJP, particularly in Florida, has come under fire for its activities. This came to a head following the 7 October attack, when SJP National, which is not an umbrella organisation for the SJP student chapters, called for a National Day of Resistance and issued a toolkit for talking points.
In the memo, they describe the moment as a "historic win for the Palestinian resistance" and called for mass mobilisation. Though they did not clarify exactly what this meant, the statement was used as an impetus for the state of Florida to order the deactivation of SJP chapters.
Sabrina, a member of the steering group of SJP National, using a pseudonym for fear of repercussions, tells TNA that she believes critics' issue with their wording is related to the growing worldwide usage of the International Remembrance Alliance (IHRA) definition of antisemitism, which includes Israel.
"They've been trying to stretch the definition. Our statements have been calling for resistance," says Sabrina. "The IHRA definition is leading to censorship on campus. They're trying to nitpick a lot of this language."
As Florida chapters continue with their legal challenge, it is unclear what course they will take if they are forced to shut down.
"For some students, whose lives are directly connected to the war in Gaza, academic arguments over chants and other wording seem disconnected from the humanitarian crisis in Gaza"
For students with SJP at Rutgers, the fight to save their chapter began immediately after their suspension. The next day, they issued a statement in response and announced a press conference for the following day.
"In response to this disheartening stance from our University, SJP remains unwavering in our commitment. We stand in solidarity not just within our ranks, but alongside all marginalized student groups. The spirit of resistance of the people in Gaza, enduring genocide committed by the US-Israeli war machine, fuels our resolve," their statement, in part, reads.
For some students, whose lives are directly connected to the war in Gaza, academic arguments over chants and other wording seem disconnected from the humanitarian crisis in Gaza.
"They say our chants are controversial but the difference between Zionists and Palestinians is that they are upset about language, meanwhile we are upset that our people are dying," a representative with an SJP student chapter, who has asked for anonymity, tells TNA.
The student, whose parents immigrated to the US from Gaza after the family had originally been displaced in 1948, has kept the Gaza ID card, describing it as a form of nonviolent resistance.
"Because I am from Gaza, I cannot travel through Ben-Gurion Airport. Instead, I take a long journey where I fly to Cairo Airport and have to cross the border, that is, if they let me in to visit my family," says the student.
"People simply tell me to get rid of my Gaza hawiye or ID card so I can return to the rest of Palestine. However, holding onto my Palestinian ID card is my form of nonviolent resistance."
Politics reflected in youth movements
Though there have been protests related to the conflict in Gaza on university campuses across the US, few have garnered as much media attention as the Ivy Leagues. It is likely not a coincidence that the universities with the biggest names and that produce some of the country's top leaders are seeing more scrutiny than others.
Earlier this month, Columbia University suspended SJP and JVP over an "unauthorised" walkout. However, that doesn't explain why the university cancelled an event with Palestinian poet Mohammed El-Kurd, which was scheduled to take place before the walkout.
This week, it was reported that students from the suspended groups at Columbia are continuing to hold events protesting Israel's war in Gaza. Elsewhere, students have continued their activism under different group names.
Meanwhile, at Harvard, students who have strongly condemned Israeli policy have experienced doxxing - leaking their personal information to the public - leading to threats to their safety as well as the reversal of job offers.
The University of Pennsylvania has also seen an unusual level of scrutiny of Palestinian activity on campus. Earlier this month, it cancelled the screening of an Israeli film called Israelism, which criticises the country's policies, citing concern for student safety.
Across the Ivy League, donors have been threatening to withhold money due to what they've described as antisemitic activity on university campuses. This month, the University of Pennsylvania's president Liz Magill resigned under pressure following a congressional hearing on antisemitism, largely based on unsubstantiated accusations of student activists allegedly calling for the genocide of Jews.
The future of free speech and pro-Palestinian activism
It's unclear what the future holds for the protected free speech and expression of pro-Palestinian activism, given the consistent messaging of criticism of Israel equating to antisemitism or support for Hamas.
The anti-BDS bills, which started years before 7 October and have been passed in at least 35 states, have taken on new urgency for their proponents.
The far-reaching implications of these bills, however, could see those outside the Palestinian activist circles find common cause to join forces, with crackdowns on BDS potentially affecting divestment tactics used by environmentalists, gun safety advocates and other activists.
"Anti-BDS bills, which started years before 7 October and have been passed in at least 35 states, have taken on new urgency for their proponents"
The American Civil Liberties Union have been leaders in challenging anti-BDS legislation on grounds of free speech. They have also taken up the case of the University of Florida, which could get consolidated with that of Florida State.
The Florida bill, written as anti-terror legislation, would make it so that state universities would need to report groups to the Department of Homeland Security, something critics describe as dangerous for all forms of free speech.
"This has to be challenged," says Saleh, the CAIR lawyer representing SJP at the University of South Florida. "This isn't a Muslim or Middle Eastern thing. This is a constitutional thing."
Brooke Anderson is The New Arab's correspondent in Washington DC, covering US and international politics, business, and culture.
Follow her on Twitter: @Brookethenews