Bangladesh looks to Saudi Arabia in a twist of irony

The Bangladeshi plan constitutes the first effort by a Muslim country to enlist the kingdom, whose crown prince, Mohammed bin Salman, has vowed to return Saudi Arabia to an undefined form of "moderate Islam".

The plan would attempt to roll back the fallout of Saudi Arabia's global investment of up to $100 billion over a period of four decades in support of ultra-conservative mosques, religious centres, and groups as an antidote to post-1979 Iran's revolutionary zeal.

Cooperation with Saudi Arabia and various countries, including Malaysia, has focused until now on countering extremism in cooperation with defence and security authorities rather than as a religious initiative.

Saudi religious authorities and Islamic scholars have long issued fatwas or religious opinions condemning political violence and extremism and accused jihadists of deviating from the true path of Islam.

The Saudi campaign, the largest public diplomacy effort in history, was, nevertheless, long abetted by opportunistic governments who played politics with religion as well as widespread discontent fuelled by the failure of previous governments to deliver public goods and services.

The Bangladeshi plan raises multiple questions, including whether the counter-narrative industry can produce results in the absence of effective government policies that address social, economic and political grievances.

'As early as first grade, students in Saudi schools are being taught hatred toward all those perceived to be of a different faith' - HRW survey

It also begs the question whether change in Saudi Arabia has advanced to a stage in which the kingdom can claim that it has put its ultra-conservative and militant roots truly behind it.

The answer to both questions is probably no.

In many ways, Sunni Muslim ultra-conservatism and militancy, violent and non-violent, despite sharing common roots with the kingdom's long-standing theological thinking and benefitting directly or indirectly from Saudi financial largesse, has created a life of its own that no longer looks to the kingdom for guidance and support, and is critical of the path on which Prince Mohammed has embarked.

The fallout of the Saudi campaign is evident in Asia not only in the rise of militancy in Bangladesh but also the degree to which concepts of supremacism and intolerance have taken root in countries such as Malaysia, Indonesia and Pakistan.

Those concepts are often expressed in discrimination, if not outright persecution of minorities like Shia Muslims and Ahmadis, and draconic anti-blasphemy measures by authorities, militants and vigilantes.

Bangladesh in past years witnessed a series of brutal killings of bloggers and intellectuals whom jihadists accused of atheism.

Moreover, basic freedoms in Bangladesh are being officially and unofficially curtailed in various forms as a result of domestic struggles originally enabled by successful Saudi pressure to amend the country's secular constitution in 1975 to recognise Islam as its official religion.

Read more: Turning Qatar into an island: Saudi Arabia cuts off its nose to spite its face

In Indonesia, hard-line Islamic groups, led by the Islamic Defenders Front (FPI), earlier this month filed a blasphemy complaint against politician Sukmawati Sukarnoputri, a daughter of Indonesia's founding father Sukarno and the younger sister of Megawati Sukarnoputri, who leads President Joko Widodo's ruling party.

The hardliners accuse Ms Sukarnoputri of reciting a poem that allegedly insults Islam.

Basic freedoms in Bangladesh are being officially and unofficially curtailed

The groups last year accused Basuki Tjahaja Purnama, aka Ahok, Jakarta's Christian former governor, of blasphemy, and spearheaded mass rallies that led to his ousting and jailing, a ruling that many believed was politicised and unjust.

Pakistan's draconic anti-blasphemy law has created an environment that has allowed Sunni Muslim ultra-conservatives and powerful political forces to whip up popular emotion in pursuit of political objectives. The environment is symbolised by graffiti in the corridor of a courthouse in Islamabad that demanded that blasphemers be beheaded.

Pakistan last month designated Islamabad as a pilot project to regulate Friday prayer sermons in the city's 1,003 mosques, of which only 86 are state-controlled, in a bid to curb hate speech, extremism and demonisation of religions and communities.

The government has drafted a list of subjects that should be the focus of weekly Friday prayer sermons in a bid to prevent mosques being abused "to stir up sectarian hatred, demonise other religions and communities and promote extremism". The subjects include women's rights, Islamic principles of trade, cleanliness and health, and the importance of hard work, tolerance and honesty.

However, they do not address legally enshrined discrimination of minorities such as Ahmadis, who are viewed as heretics by many orthodox Muslims. The list risked reinforcing supremacist and intolerant militancy by including the concept of the finality of the Prophet Mohammed that is often used as a whip to discriminate against minorities.

Raising questions about the degree of moderation that Saudi-funded mosques and religious centres in Bangladesh would propagate, Prince Mohammed, in his effort to saw the rough edges off Saudi ultra-conservatism, has given no indication that he intends to repeal a law that defines atheists as terrorists.

A Saudi court last year condemned a man to death on charges of blasphemy and atheism. Another Saudi man was a year earlier sentenced to 10 years in prison and 2,000 lashes for expressing atheist sentiments on social media.

Prince Mohammed has given no indication that he intends to repeal a law that defines atheists as terrorists

Saudi Arabia and other Muslim nations have long lobbied for the criminalisation of blasphemy in international law in moves that would legitimise curbs on free speech and growing Muslim intolerance towards any open discussion of their faith.

To be sure, Saudi Arabia cannot be held directly liable for much of the expression of supremacism, intolerance and anti-pluralism in the Muslim world. Yet, by the same token there is little doubt that Saudi propagation of ultra-conservatism frequently contributed to an enabling environment.

Prince Mohammed is at the beginning of his effort to moderate Saudi Islam, and has yet to spell out in detail his vision of religious change.

Beyond the issue of defining atheism as terrorism, Saudi Arabia also has yet to put an end to multiple ultra-conservative practices, including the principle of male guardianship that forces women to get the approval of a male relative for major decisions in their life.

Prince Mohammed has so far forced the country's ultra-conservative religious establishment into subservience. That raises the question whether there has been real change in the establishment's thinking, or whether it is kowtowing to an autocratic leader.

In December, King Salman fired a government official for organising a mixed-gender fashion show after ultra-conservatives criticised the event on Twitter. The kingdom this week hosted its first ever Arab Fashion Week, for women only. Designers were obliged to adhere to strict dress codes banning transparent fabrics and the display of cleavage or clothing that revealed knees.

In February, Saudi Arabia agreed to surrender control of the Great Mosque in Brussels after its efforts to install a more moderate administration failed to counter mounting Belgian criticism of alleged intolerance and supremacism propagated by mosque executives.

Efforts to moderate Islam in Saudi Arabia as well as Qatar - the world's only other Wahhabi state that traces its ultra-conservatism to the teachings of 18th century preacher Mohammed ibn Abdul Wahhab, but which has long interpreted them more liberally than the Saudi kingdom - have proven to be easier said than done.

Saudi King Abdullah, King Salman's predecessor, positioned himself as a champion of interfaith dialogue and reached out to various groups in society including Shias and women.

Yet, more than a decade of Saudi efforts to cleanse textbooks used at home and abroad have made significant progress, but have yet to completely erase descriptions of Shia and Sufi Islam in derogatory terms, or eliminate advice to Muslims not to associate with Jews and Christians - who are labelled "kaffirs" or unbelievers.

Prince Mohammed has remained conspicuously silent about hate speech in textbooks

Raising questions about Saudi involvement in the Bangladeshi plan, a Human Rights Watch survey of religion textbooks produced by the Saudi education ministry for the 2016-2017 school year concluded that "as early as first grade, students in Saudi schools are being taught hatred toward all those perceived to be of a different faith or school of thought".

Human Rights Watch researcher Adam Coogle noted that Prince Mohammed has remained conspicuously silent about hate speech in textbooks as well as its use by officials and Islamic scholars connected to the government.

The New York-based Anti-Defamation League last year documented hate speech in Qatari mosques that was disseminated in Qatari media, despite Qatar's propagation of religious tolerance and outreach to American Jews as part of its effort to counter a United Arab Emirates-Saudi-led economic and diplomatic boycott of the Gulf state.

In one instance in December, Qatari preacher Muhammed al-Muraikhi described Jews in a sermon in Doha's Imam Muhammad ibn Abd al-Wahhab Mosque as "your deceitful, lying, treacherous, fornicating, intransigent enemy" who have "despoiled, corrupted, ruined, and killed, and will not stop".

No doubt, Saudi Arabia, like Qatar - which much earlier moved away from puritan and literal Sunni Muslim ultra-conservatism - is sincere in its intention to adopt more tolerant and pluralistic worldviews.

Getting from A to B, however, is a lengthy process. The question remains whether the kingdom has progressed to a degree that it can credibly help countries such as Bangladesh deal with their demons even before having successfully put its own house in order.

Dr James M. Dorsey is a senior fellow at the S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies, co-director of the University of Würzburg's Institute for Fan Culture, and the author of The Turbulent World of Middle East football blog and a just published book with the same title.

This article originally appeared on Lobelog.

Opinions expressed in this article remain those of the author, and do not necessarily represent those of The New Arab, its editorial board or staff.