Last week, Saudi Arabia appointed its first ambassador to Palestine, driving a wedge in ongoing United States-administered talks to normalise relations between the Gulf Kingdom and Israel.
Palestinian politicians and the Palestinian people have both welcomed Saudi Arabia’s decision to name its ambassador to Jordan, Naif bin Bandar Al-Sudairi, as a non-resident ambassador to Palestine, touting it as giving more legitimacy to Palestinians and their struggle.
“It empowers us as Palestinians because Saudi Arabia is one of the most powerful countries in the Middle East, and it has influence on the West, mainly the US, and the US is our main problem — preventing any solution for the Palestinian cause,” Palestinian activist Younes Arar explained to The New Arab.
Israeli Foreign Minister Eli Cohen described the appointment as “a message to the Palestinians that [Saudi Arabia] didn’t forget them.”
To most experts, this appointment — albeit a symbolic gesture — speaks volumes when it comes to normalisation efforts between Saudi Arabia and Israel, which both countries have admitted is still a long way off.
“It demonstrates to the outside world as well as to Saudis themselves that, in fact, there will be some requirement to do something tangible to support a Palestinian solution if people want to go forward with this idea of promoting Saudi-Israeli relations,” Gerald Feierstein, a former US ambassador and fellow at the Washington-based think tank Middle East Institute, told The New Arab.
The 2020 Abraham Accords, a series of US-brokered normalisation agreements between Arab countries and Israel, have been a welcome gift to Israelis, opening up travel and trade opportunities, while diminishing hope for the Palestinians and an end to Israeli occupation.
In normalising relations with Israel, the United Arab Emirates, Bahrain, and Morocco’s commitments to Palestinian statehood have become promises of the past as Israeli settlements increase in the occupied West Bank.
Yet Saudi officials have asserted that normalisation can’t come without clear concessions on Palestine, like a settlement freeze, a pledge against annexation, or transferring some control of the Israeli military-controlled West Bank Area C to the Palestinian Authority’s domain.
“Without finding a pathway to peace for the Palestinian people, without addressing that challenge, any normalisation will have limited benefits,” Saudi Foreign Minister Faisal bin Farhan Al Saud said during a joint press conference with US Secretary of State Antony Blinken in June.
“And therefore, I think we should continue to focus on finding a pathway towards a two-state solution, on finding a pathway towards giving the Palestinians dignity and justice,” he added.
In this regard, while other Arab nations moved on after normalising, Saudi Arabia’s appointment of a Palestine ambassador sends a message to Israel that they haven’t forgotten the 2002 Arab Peace Initiative, a Saudi plan detailing the necessary conditions on Palestine for establishing normal relations with Israel.
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Among the conditions is the recognition of East Jerusalem as the capital of an independent Palestinian state.
And for Arar, Saudi normalisation with Israel can only come if these concessions are actualised. Otherwise, any policy change is futile.
“We are 100 per cent against normalisation that ignores our right to freedom, an independent state, self-determination, refugees’ right of return,” Arar said. “If it's just like other normalisations, it's nonsense. It will cause huge damage to the Palestinian cause.”
While the Palestine envoy has added a significant layer to a potential Saudi-Israel normalisation deal, the Gulf Kingdom has also outlined several significant asks from the US as a condition for diplomatic relations with Tel Aviv.
Notably, Riyadh wants a mutual security pact with Washington assuring the US would come to Saudi Arabia’s defence if attacked, access to more advanced US weapons, and assistance in developing a civilian nuclear programme.
Even if a deal were reached, Feierstein remains uncertain about whether normalisation can enhance or detract from a peace process between Palestine and Israel, especially when Saudi demands on Palestine are still a mystery.
“We know what they want from the US, but we don't know what they're asking for from [Israel],” Feierstein said. “And, of course, what exactly is [Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin] Netanyahu prepared to commit to while trying to preserve his coalition.”
Some are sceptical that the Kingdom’s demands will come to fruition when Israeli extremists, like current Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich and National Security Minister Itamar Ben-Gvir, are in power.
In an op-ed for Haaretz, Palestinian writer and activist Muhammad Shehada wrote that while many ideas have been posed, none will be reached within the current far-right coalition or even previous perceived centrist governments.
“A giant Saudi-American lump sum, a pay-off to the Palestinians is, instead, one of the most likely outcomes of a deal, but that money, no matter how munificent, would evaporate in no time, because the occupation leaves no room for the Palestinian economy to grow or for PA institutions to become more sovereign, or less corrupt,” Shehada wrote.
With previous normalisation agreements, including the precedent-setting Abraham Accords, proponents argued that this would help to promote peace in the Middle East and reign in Israeli settlement expansion. However, the only condition Israel agreed to was to suspend plans to annex the West Bank.
Since 2020, Israel has, under its most extreme far-right government in history, continued and accelerated illegal settlement building. This year, more than 200 Palestinians have been killed by Israel, making it the deadliest year for Palestinians in the West Bank since records began in 2005.
While the promise of peace — and perhaps even formal relations between Saudi Arabia and Israel — may appear as a long shot, with a Palestine envoy, the Saudis are sternly reminding Israel and the US that normalisation and Palestine justice must come together before anything else.
Jessica Buxbaum is a Jerusalem-based journalist covering Palestine and Israel. Her work has been featured in Middle East Eye, The National, and Gulf News.
Follow her on Twitter: @jess_buxbaum