Once criticized as a deviation from the Gulf mainstream by its rivals, Qatar’s foreign policy approach appears to have paid off, with President Joe Biden designating Doha a non-NATO ally and receiving the country’s emir at a time when leaders of Saudi Arabia and its allies remain personae non-gratae due to their role in the Khashoggi murder and the war in Yemen.
For years, Qatar kept communications open with Iran, Hamas, and the Taliban, as well as Israel, as part of what its foreign ministry deems an “independent foreign policy” focused on pan-Islamic relations, international cooperation and mediation.
During Trump’s presidency, this approach was used by Qatar’s rivals as a pretext for blockading the country with initial US support, but the Qatari emir’s visit to Washington last week is validation that, for the US under Biden, as previously under the Obama-Biden administration, there is more value in having an ally able to facilitate difficult conversations between the US and its adversaries.
"I think it's long overdue," Biden said in televised remarks in reference to the NATO ally designation.
Hours before the meeting, Biden’s Twitter account stated that he was looking forward to “discussing a range of issues, including security and prosperity in the Middle East, global energy supplies, Afghanistan, and more.”
Biden’s meeting with the Qatari Emir Sheikh Tamim bin Hamad Al Thani comes as Russia continues amassing troops along the Ukrainian border, leaders in the US and Iran try to revive the Iran nuclear deal, and the humanitarian situation in Afghanistan deteriorates. Though Qatar might not be able to resolve any of these issues single-handedly, its ability to manoeuvre between antagonistic powers lends it political importance.
Part of Qatar’s significance stems from its possession of the third largest liquified natural gas reserves in the world. With the Ukraine crisis unfolding, Biden and European leaders alike are scrambling to find an alternative energy source for Europe, which relies on Russia for around a third of its natural gas supply.
“I think Biden’s strategy is to demonstrate to the Russians the cost of an invasion, by being able to negotiate or having the aura of reaching out to Qatar to fill the gap,” Bessma Momani, professor of International Relations at the University of Waterloo, tells The New Arab. “There’s a lot of symbolism, to make it clear that the West has options, and they can look for an alternative to Russian gas. There’s a lot of necessary posturing to convince Putin not to invade.”
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However, it's unclear to what extent Qatar’s ability to supplant Europe’s energy needs is purely symbolic, with concerns that the Gulf nation will not be able to match Russia’s capacity to transport high volumes of natural gas - roughly 55 billion cubic metres annually - through the Nord Stream pipeline.
“Some of the expectations are misplaced. Russia knows Qatar can’t replace them. You’re not scaring Russia by having a meeting with the Qataris,” Karen Young, a senior fellow and founding director of the Program on Economics and Energy at the Middle East Institute, tells The New Arab.
Even Qatar itself has cautioned that it will not be able to secure an alternative energy source for Europe alone. The Minister of Energy, Saad Al-Kaabi, said, “The volume of gas needed by the EU cannot be replaced by anyone unilaterally, without disturbing supplies to other regions around the world.”
Qatar is increasingly seen as a facilitator of US diplomacy due to its ability to play mediator for indirect negotiations between the US and groups that it would rather not officially be seen to be doing business with, but needs to engage nonetheless.
“They’ve been a part of this diplomatic process for a long time. It’s a niche issue where they were able to demonstrate their abilities,” says Young.
Qatar and Iran have long had close economic ties. Yasmina Abouzzohour, postdoctoral research fellow at Harvard Middle East Initiative, stresses that they also jointly control the South Pars/North Dome Gas Condensate field, the world’s largest natural gas field. Moreover, during the Gulf crisis, Iran kept its airspace open to Qatar, providing a crucial lifeline.
There has also been speculation that Qatari Foreign Minister Sheikh Mohammed bin Abdulrahman al-Thani’s trip to meet his counterpart in Iran less than a week earlier could have been a way for Iran to relay a message to Washington.
In Afghanistan, Qatar has treaded a fine line between engaging the Taliban without being allied to them. In November, Washington announced that Qatar would serve as its official representative in Afghanistan.
Where other nations have chosen the silent treatment, Qatar was able to reach a deal with the Taliban to resume evacuations amid a humanitarian crisis, helping to process asylum seekers and alleviate some of the pressure on the US following its catastrophic withdrawal six months ago. Under Trump, Qatar facilitated a peace agreement between the US and the Taliban.
In Israel-Palestine, Qatar has publicly stated that it would not join several of its Gulf neighbours in a normalisation deal with Israel until Israel commits to the Arab Peace Initiative – ending the occupation, allowing for a Palestinian state with East Jerusalem as its capital and allowing for the return of the refugees.
Gregory Gause, professor of international affairs at the Bush School of Government and Public Service at Texas A&M University, notes that “Part of this Qatari strategy is to have connections with Islamic countries. You kind of forfeit that if you have an open relationship with Israel.”
Nonetheless, Qatar is seen as a backchannel to Hamas, and has been instrumental in facilitating conversations with the Islamist group and delivering aid to Gaza. In his public statements with Biden, the emir said they would discuss “equal rights for Palestinians” while Biden thanked Qatar for helping “life-saving aid” reach the Palestinians.
The visit also included the announcement of a $20 billion deal for Qatar Airways to purchase Boeing aircrafts, including 34 777X freighters and 25 737 MAX planes, in what seems to be a strategic investment by Qatar in their revived alliance with the US, helping to secure Qatar’s position as an important business partner, despite safety concerns surrounding the 737 MAX.
The foundations of a revitalised US-Qatar alliance extend back decades - the two nations have historically had strong economic relations and Qatar is home to the largest US military base in the Middle East.
“Things have relaxed,” Steve Simon, the Robert E. Wilhelm Fellow at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology, tells The New Arab.
“One of the reasons to be sure that Qatar extended lavish hospitality to the US military was to lay the foundation for a reciprocal relationship.”
Brooke Anderson is The New Arab's correspondent in Washington DC, covering US and international politics, business, and culture.
Follow her on Twitter: @Brookethenews